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Indeed, this could even result in fundamental falsification of the genuine process of formation of the democratic and the civil will. Of course, the logical culmination of democracy is the rule of the official, the free election and the active participation of the human person.

For whose calling is then democratization? No, it scarcely be gainsaid that democratized democracy on all levels justifies a new form of regime which is fundamentally at variance with the inner law dating tipi polonezi a genuine democracy and a civil society.

No parliament, moreover, should dating show vh1 mystery itself to be so bankrupt that assembling as it does the elite of a nation it is incapable of objective appreciation of an issue, and requires an institutionally consecrated council of experts, who could in any case if necessary be called in to advise on specific issues. There can be no middle path between acceptance and rejection of democratic forms of life. In a democracy as we understand it, human freedom is sacrosanct.

In the civil society, it is, at the least, questionable. This means that this misunderstood democracy creates a perfection of power from which it is no longer possible for 9 JSRI N o. Opinions on this issue are not divided into bourgeois and socialist schools of thought.

In this sense is the civil society in danger to become an egalitarian community without performance.

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The juridical foundations for this process were created without eroding the entrepreneurial function by parity. This was certainly a manifestation of a democratic approach towards a civil society, yet there was no question of democratization for the institution of a new social order. This blurring of competences and responsibilities was aimed rather at areas outside that of productive industry, whence they were to permeate all layers of society and refunction them.

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Questions of industry and work I would like to deal, finally, with the particular problems of industrial co-determination and especially codetermination on a parity basis in rather more detail, as it might otherwise appear as thoughI were endeavouring to avoid touching on the problems of the day, in our rapid changing transition countries and the Western world.

Because work and employment are key-factors also for the civil society.

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It is both noteworthy and characteristic that co-determination in the sense of our industrial relations legislation is rather an element of internal order and social co-operation between the employer and the employee, and for this very reason had nothing to do with any revival of the class-war.

The legislators and both sides if industry realized on the basis of practical experience that it was useful and to everyones advantage to approach problems between staff and management as far as possible on an amicable basis and JSRI N o.

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Egalitarianism as challenge of civil society But, I myself would never attempted to hide my rejection of a democracy as egalitarianism of a principle of parity which negates the original democratic consensus, because, to put it crudely, it leads to a system in which no one any longer knows who is the cook and who is the waiter.

In this sense egalitarianism is a real challenge also to the civil society, because the basis of this principle is on the concept of democracy. Where this intellectualconfusion has led in the universities is plain to all. If we apply the same principle to a national economy, it appears very unlikely indeed that the latter would be strengthened and bolstered from within.

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Regrettably, our age is one if many contradictions, but to draw attention to them in the free world today has virtually become tantamount to disturbing the peace. The economic failures and deficiencies of collec10 tivized economic systems in comparison to market-orientated forms of organization are now so crass that it is virtually the height of impudence and ideological delusion to recommend the peoples of the free world to relinquish this of all freedoms.

Such a conception of modernity becomes a cheap excuse for individual human failure and cowardly opting out of competition. For let there be no mistake: the democratization of democracy can only lead to more and more egalitarianism, in spite of the fact that such a process is contrary to both human nature and the purpose of creation.

However, justified the achievement of a better social balance within a community may appear, an exaggerated egalitarianism which endeavours to blur and level the natural differences between industryand ability on the one hand and idleness and incapacity on the other can only be misguided.

It is always the people as a whole which suffers and stands to lose from a misconceived social policy.

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Not even the most inventive imagination can do anything about the fact that every new endeavour to achieve a redistribution of the national income reaches a limit beyond which sense becomes nonsense and charity becomes a scourge. Without incentives and the impulse to achieve, a competitively based market economy cannot fail to be sidetracked into collectivist egalitarianism, in contrary to a civil society.

Ethics between society and human person All human societies have ethical systems that define what is meant by right and wrong, fairness, justice, truthfulness, and similar ideas dealing with morality and rightness.

Individuals who live in those societies learn from childhood what is considered ethical and unethical. Religious institutions, parents, teachers, and others instill a sense of fairness, justice, and online dating băieți albi ethical behaviour. As a result, most persons develop a strong sense of ethics which then acts as ones conscience when faced with questions of right and wrong.

In addition to individuals conscience as an ethical guide, societies spell out their ethics in laws, customs, and religious beliefs. When questions arise, these community standards are then used to sort out right from wrong and to define what is ethical or unethical.

In dating show vh1 mystery process of pursuing the requisite unlimited growth for human persons, groups and nations, or even continents like the European Union the natural resources of our planet have been exhausted to the point of endangering the very basis for natural life, as presupposition of a working civil society. The principle of hope has driven anthropocentrism beyond the break point, and must needs give way to a principle of respect over the impending natural catastrophe that waits us.

For that reason but not only for thiswe need a civil society with well educated people, who work according to the principles of responsibility, solidarity, subsidiarity and the common good. On this basis our societies will become more human and more civil in the most positive sense we can imagine.

But this needs a lot of efforts and activities of everybody, because or civil society will be as well as everybody puts his or her own energy into this project! Author of the books: Education and modernityThe intercultural contact at schools E-mail: soso udc.

This paper focuses on how current discussions on the adequacy of a reference to JudeoChristian heritage in the new European Constitution or on the teaching of religions at schools show the resilience of old-age notions and stereotypes with respect to cultural diversity. In order to explain this resilience, the paper explores how hierarchical perceptions of otherness mainly of Muslims are flourishing within a dichotomized system of representing otherness.

This system is analyzed from the neoDurkeimian perspective of cultural sociology and placed in connection with the spiritual leadership of fundamentalist conservatism after the fall of the Berlin Wall and with the old trend of Orientalism underlying pervading dominant Western discourses. Among these phenomena, the growing multiculturality of resident populations in the same national territory is perhaps one of the elements which most clearly obliges us to reflect on the necessity of forging a new concept of citizenship capable of providing a new project of rights, dating show vh1 mystery and belonging to a civil society which is becoming increasingly more complex and heterogeneous.

The main challenge posed by an ongoing multicultural population is to renew the experience of togetherness. The first step towards that aim concerns identity. Civil citizenship and togetherness are deeply related because there seems to be no doubt that citizenship implies some kind of collective identity, a certain type of feeling of belonging: it is difficult to think about active contribution to any kind of political project if one does not feel as a member of those who have the right to benefit from the same.

The question is whether patriotism or ethnicism very frequently tied to religion that traditionally have served us as uniting link with our own is still a sufficient source to provide this identity or whether it is necessary to reformulate it more along the lines of the new multicultural horizon.

Contemporary authors as Will Kymlicka or Michel Walzer, for example, have sufficiently criticized the burden which the assumption of cultural homogeneity has had in the program of liberalism in modern politics.

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To their minds, this assumption has derived from an idealized model of polis understood as a union of ancestors, language, territory and very often religion just consider the etymology of the term com-munion which has not been sufficiently able to recognize the true multicultural character of the majority of political communities.

This traditionally modern way of building civil identity on the basis of national cultures seems to be at odds with the new phenomena of postnationality Tambini,that is to say, with the new feelings of belonging emerging from current fluxes of populations. Nevertheless, its persistence accounts for multiculturality being perceived too often as a threat or a danger because it is supposed to undermine JSRI N o.

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In a context of ongoing cultural and ethical pluralism, many Europeans feel disoriented, anxious or troubled; and the more ones own self-identity blurs, the more difficult it is to accept others and to establish a rational dialogue to negotiate and redefine a new common identity Allsayad and Casttels, In relation to this, Alain Touraine has talked about a weak principle of integration.

His point is that it is time to accept that sharing a common culture does not mean necessarily sharing the same values, not even sharing the same identity which is not to be confused dating show vh1 mystery a common identity. But how are we to do it? How can we live together and get organized without being similar and thinking the same? What do we have to share and what are we entitled not to share? These are the main questions multiculturality poses to the renewal of civic experience and the feeling of togetherness.

Although far from being a definite answer, it may help to pave the way of our search by keeping far enough away enough easy formulas such as those arising from the idea of incompatibility of cultures or such as those arising from the idea that difference is good in itself and always enriching.

A recalcitrant xenophobia is just as bad company as a forced xenophilia. We begin, then, by being convinced that, beyond any metaphysics of difference, multiculturality must be considered from a realistic perspective independent from any previous assessment and to be considered as a simple question of fact. A problematic question, besides, because, given the monocultural and Eurocentric framework which has 14 characterized the institutional development of modernity, the living together of individuals with different vision of the world makes recognition and treatment dating show vh1 mystery others difficult because it makes different conceptions of good and evil to coexist, and it forces us to reformulate the manner in which we define identity who we are and who those like us are: our own.

Nevertheless, this is a difficulty which if conveniently dealt with and managed can provide an important source of renovation to civic learning.

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