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On the other hand, the practice of making appointments to the judiciary based on political criteria continued. The electoral process was under considerable strain in In September, the AC exempted PSRM-friendly NTV Moldova and Accent TV from a list of stations monitored for fair coverage of local elections; it also decided to grant one of the four national terrestrial broadcasting licenses—which became available when Channel 2, a station controlled by Plahotniuc, gave it up—to Channel One in Moldova. Judicial Framework and Independence 1.

The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year. The Democracy Percentage, introduced inis a translation of the Democracy Score to the scale, where 0 equals least democratic and equals most democratic.

Score changes in National Democratic Governance rating improved from 2.

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Corruption rating improved from 2. The results of the February parliamentary elections radically changed the political situation in the country. As a result of these investigations, several lawmakers from the PDM and the Shor Party had their parliamentary immunity waived so that criminal proceedings against them could begin.

The coalition also began the process of changing the leadership and management of strategic state institutions like the Intelligence and Security Service SIS controlled by the PDM and Plahotniuc.

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However, this effort failed, as the PSRM and Dodon successfully installed their own loyalists in these institutions. So, by the end of the year, Moldova found itself on beer dating commercialro brink—a hybrid regime with clear elements of an authoritarian regime. The electoral process was under considerable strain in Moldova organized two electoral campaigns, parliamentary elections in February and local elections in October, both of which suffered in terms of fairness and equal access to the right to vote for the general population.

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In the parliamentary elections, observers monitoring the vote were intimidated, which has not occurred in the country since The civil sector was quite active in It performed watchdog activities in relation to political appointments at state institutions and in government decisions taken hastily without public consultation. At the same time, civil society continued to face big challenges—most notably, defamatory campaigns orchestrated by state institutions, political parties, and partisan media.

The media freedom situation continued to deteriorate in Moldova, although problems that independent media face remained much the same, such as the ongoing intimidation of journalists.

The quality of democratic governance at the local level remains low.

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The year saw massive political migration of local public authorities LPAs away from the PDM—spurred by intimidation, this movement highlights the ongoing political dependence of LPAs on the central administration. Planned administrative-territorial reforms dating back to did not advance at all during the year.

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Despite challenges facing the justice system, the sector achieved some small successes in The change of government power saw judges step forward and speak out about problems in the justice system. On the other hand, the practice of making appointments to the judiciary based on political criteria continued. This difference became the stumbling block that led to the breakup of the coalition. The Sandu government launched several actions that injected new life into the fight against corruption.

National Democratic Governance 1. Beer dating commercialro coalition prevailed, although conflict over different visions for justice reform brought it down after only five months, with the PSRM triggering a successful no-confidence vote and then forming a new government with the PDM in November.

The PDM did not take part in the June 8 parliamentary session, claiming that the deadline beer dating commercialro the creation of a parliamentary majority had expired on June 7.

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The PDM appealed to the Constitutional Court, which decided to declare the Sandu government illegal, dismiss Parliament, and beer dating commercialro President Dodon of his duties for failing to call new elections. A disagreement over the process for selecting a new general prosecutor brought the Sandu government down just five months after it was formed. Although turbulent, in general, the right to vote was respected in both elections, which were competitive but less than fully free and fair in some respects.

Several parties acceded to Parliament for the first time the ACUM electoral bloc and the Shor Partywhile other once-prominent parties did not pass the beer dating commercialro threshold including the Communists, the Liberals, and the Liberal Democrats. Turnout was The civil sector described the referendum as a means for the PDM to gain political capital.

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Civil Society 1. Throughout the year, civil society organizations CSOs reacted to each government infringement upon democratic norms or controversial decisions that undermined democratic processes.

Yet even though the sector proved quite dynamic, it still faced systemic problems, including, perhaps most importantly, dating site pentru vârstnici but usually non-physical attacks from political actors.

According to a state registry, there were over 13, CSOs registered in Moldova as of Novemberan increase of 1, from Some shortcomings have also emerged in the tax redirection mechanism. For instance, inactive CSOs and little-known groups with no visible contribution to community beer dating commercialro have benefitted the most. For example, a draft law on nonprofit organizations, long advocated by civil society groups, was tabled in despite passing its first reading in Parliament in May Oligarchic control over prominent news outlets and politicized regulation contributed to divisions within the sector.

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In September, the AC exempted PSRM-friendly NTV Moldova and Accent TV from a list of stations monitored for fair coverage of local elections; it also decided to grant one of the four national terrestrial broadcasting licenses—which became available when Channel 2, a station controlled by Plahotniuc, gave it beer dating commercialro Channel One in Moldova.

Several important legislative initiatives were delayed by the former PDM government. Those included amending the law on advertising and supporting periodicals of social significance. Also, amendments to arguably the most important statute, the Law on Access to Information, were not brought to hull online dating vote in final reading.

The Sandu government did not prioritize these initiatives, and the new Chicu government has almost totally overlooked the media in its action plan for —23, inserting only one objective and one action item related to this sector. Journalists continued to face adverse working conditions infostered by the lack of transparency of public institutions and limited access to some categories of information.

For example, throughout the year, journalists from certain independent media outlets such as TV8, Jurnal TV, and Ziarul de Gardă were 2 zile de întâlnire access to several public events. Politicization, together with a high degree of centralization, are the most formidable challenges faced by LPAs.

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After the PDM beer dating commercialro into opposition in June, mayors left the party. This exodus reversed the trend of mayors defecting to the PDM while it was in power from to Out of mayors elected inmore than half were pressured to change their political affiliation, migrating to the PDM. This marked the first time in the history of the country that local elections were held more than four months after the expiration of the incumbent LPA mandates.

The PSRM won an absolute majority of seats on four rayon councils; the PDM and the Shor Party each won one council outright, while no party secured outright control over the remaining councils. The councils then elected rayon presidents. The last development in this respect took place in Novemberwhen a group of domestic and international experts presented an analysis of the shortcomings of the current administrative-territorial system chiefly, the dependence of municipalities on central government transfers to the Filip government along with a vision for reform.

Judicial Framework and Independence 1.

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However, some steps toward change were taken in the second half of the year when the Sandu government declared justice system reform as its first priority. Furthermore, the dismissal of the Sandu government demonstrated a high degree of resistance to change inside the system, and a much greater degree of political will is needed to complete the reform process. According to some observers, 93 the potential election of a noncorrupt, independent, and therefore uncontrollable person to this position threatened President Dodon and the PSRM, which has been accused of illegal self-financing.

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The next day, President Dodon appointed Stoianoglo to the position. Note The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author s of this report.

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The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author s. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 1 the lowest.

The Democracy Percentage, introduced inis a translation of the Democracy Score to the 0— scale, where 0 equals least democratic and equals most democratic. Consilierul lui Dodon acuză diplomații UE de frauda bancară. Reacțiile lui Năstase, Popescu și Michalko [Scandalous message! Happy server adviser accuses EU diplomats of bank fraud.